Currency Exchange: Live Performance and
Authenticity in Hiphop Culture
Welcome
to the wonderful world of Entertainment
Where
art imitates life and people get famous.
Welcome
to the world of showbiz arrangements
Where
"lights, camera, action" is the language.
-Jurassic
5
The changes that have occurred in live
performances because of recording technology form a process collectively termed
"mediatization" by performative theorists. Philip Auslander's recent
study, Liveness: Live Performance in a Mediatized Culture, deconstructs the traditional binary of live versus
mediatized forms.(1) According to Auslander, the relationship between live
performance and the media has historically been one of parasitism and
encroachment. With the appearance of television, film and music recordings,
events previously only accessible through a direct transfer between performer
and audience have become subject to mass distribution and commodification. The
greater convenience and accessibility of these recordings has given them a
distinct edge over the live performances they represent. Mediatized forms
compete for the audiences of live events, inevitably siphoning-off significant
percentages of attendance and revenues. In response to this imbalance, many
live performances have begun to incorporate and deliberately resemble forms of
media. For example, rock concerts are often staged as exact reproductions of
MTV music videos, and some theatre productions are staged "camera
ready," to facilitate videotaping. Because of this, Auslander rejects the
possibility of any unmediatized live performance existing in our culture, in so
far as every live performance seems to either imitate or else anticipate media
recordings. (2)
What I am suggesting
is that any distinctions need to derive from careful consideration of how the
relationship between the live and the mediatized is articulated in particular
cases, not from a set of assumptions that constructs the relation between live
and mediatized representations a priori as a relation of essential opposition. (Auslander 54)
Once Auslander has established this principle
of performative analysis grounded in specific contexts, rather than ontological
differences, he extends his study into two such locations: the rock music
industry and the judicial system. What I propose to do is apply this
methodology to hiphop culture, in order to understand how live performances and
media recordings combine in rap music to define the culture dialectically.(3) I
will begin by looking at the history of hiphop culture, and the effect of
recording technology on its development, and proceed with an examination of
live performance in hiphop culture today, and the various mechanisms the
culture has evolved in response to media encroachment.
You
gotta pay your dues in this hiphop game,
You
gotta make a name before you get the fortune and fame,
You
gotta pay dues and earn respect
By
workin' harder than the next over… night… success
-Foreign
Legion
Hiphop culture began in the South Bronx
neighbourhood of New York in the mid-seventies as a dance party phenomenon. It
was catalyzed by the stylistic innovations of a few Disk Jockeys or
"DJs"(4) who began mixing records from diverse musical genres using
only the "break beat" or percussion breakdown section of each song.
Before rap lyrics were ever recorded, DJs would hook microphones up to their
mixers and have someone (or themselves) attempt to stimulate the crowd with
simple rhymed phrases like, "throw your hands in the air, and wave 'em
like you just don't care."(5) Competition over who would control the
microphone quickly elevated the criteria of what defined a good rapper, first
in the Bronx neighbourhood, then in New York city, then across America, and
today lyricists the world over have arguably entered this same competition. It
is most succinctly defined in evolutionary terms: "Too many MC's, not
enough mics."(6) The five core elements of hiphop culture: DJing, rapping,
break-dancing, beat-boxing, and graffiti art all evolved during this genesis
phase in the mid-late seventies.(7) All of them represent outlets for creative
energy (musical, poetic, artistic, kinetic) incorporating only the limited
available resources of the urban ghetto.
Quit
wastin' your money on marketing schemes
And
pretty packages pushin' dreams to the fiends,
A
dope MC is a dope MC,
With
or without a record deal all can see
-KRS-One
Since the original producers of hiphop music
recombined records instead of using live instruments there can be no claims of
essential purity for their use of live performance; in hiphop, live performances
are inherently mediatized.(8) However, hiphop's origins seem to contradict
Auslander's concept of live performance as necessarily either anticipating or
reproducing a mediatized recording. Richard Schusterman in Performing Live:
Aesthetic Alternatives for the Ends of Art elabourates:
Hiphop began
explicitly as dance music to be appreciated through movement, not mere
listening. It was originally designed only for live performance… where one could admire the dexterity of the DJ and the
personality and improvisational skills of the rapper. Not intended for a mass
audience, for several years it remained confined to the New York City area and
outside the mass-media network. (Shusterman 63, my emphasis).
This early phase of hiphop culture was
short-lived. In 1979, Suger Hill Records released a single called
"Rapper's Delight," the first commercially successful rap
recording.(9) Once it had been proven that rap music could sell, the ultimate
aspirations of artists shifted from live performances to record contracts.
However, rap recordings did not replace live performance in hiphop's center;
instead, recording became the primary source of hard currency for artists,
while live performance functioned within the culture as the main currency of
authenticity. Besides their financial benefits, rap recordings also had the
effect of proliferating hiphop culture across the globe, increasing the number
of people participating in the culture, both as consumers and producers.(10)
This sudden change created a division between aspiring underground artists and
crossover or commercial artists. Music critic Nelson George responds to this
division with a political analogy: recorded media "has made rap more
democratic--but is democracy good for art? Hiphop was, at one point, a true
meritocracy"(George 113). This "true meritocracy" refers to the
period of hiphop's genesis, where competition on stage ensured the success of
performers with the greatest merit.(11) In hiphop as a democracy, you could
think of record sales as votes, elevating the artists who sell the most
records, regardless of their experience as live performers, or actual
involvement in the culture of hiphop. KRS-One articulates the underground
definition of authenticity, "Real is an art. Real doesn't necessarily sell.
Sometimes it sells. Sometimes it doesn't. The only way you can really be real
is not to equate your art with your financial success"(Ehrlich 96).
Underground hiphop artists play the role of Socratic gadfly to mainstream
artists, criticizing them, but often crossing over when the opportunity to sign
a lucrative record deal arises. Because of this interplay, both underground and
commercial rap artists are important to the culture, since hit records increase
the culture's range and visibility while the demands of local live performance
ensure artistic standards of authenticity.(12)
I'm
sick of that fake thug R&B rap scenario
All
day on the radio, same scenes in the video…
Would
you rather have a Lexus, or justice?
A
dream or some substance?
A
Beamer, a necklace, or freedom?
-Dead Prez
Although many purists view hiphop
authenticity as an essentialist notion, it is important to note that all
definitions of authenticity are produced dialectically within the culture. In
his analysis of live performance in rock music, Auslander says that: "rock
authenticity is performative, in Judith Butler's sense of that term: rock
musicians achieve and maintain their effect of authenticity by continuously
citing in their music and performance styles the norms of
authenticity"(Auslander 72). Definitions of authenticity are also produced
this way in hiphop culture. In the introduction to Bodies that Matter, Judith Butler defines performativity as "the
reiterative and citational practice by which discourse produces the effects
that it names"(Butler 2). Rappers not only embody the norms of
authenticity in their style, as rock musicians do, they also explicitly engage
with these concepts in their content, constantly naming what is and is not
authentic. This has the effect of considerably amplifying the performativity of
the genre. Since "discourse produces the effects that it names," it
should follow that in cultures where the intensity and frequency of discursive
interactions are increased, the production of effects through naming will
increase in response. Hiphop bares this out in the remarkable proliferation of
the culture across the globe in barely two decades. This is not to say that the
popularity of the genre is caused only by its amplified performativity; rather,
this simply allows the norms of authenticity to disseminate far more quickly
and thoroughly to receptive audiences. The most marked effect of this
discursive intensity, however, is that it has made the defining norms of hiphop
culture notoriously difficult to determine, since definitions become subject to
change so quickly.(13) It is much easier to talk about the history of hiphop
culture than its current state.
Hiphop
fans you're like the woman in my house,
No
matter how faithful I am, you still have y'all doubts,
Talkin'
'bout, "is he real in this relationship?
Or
did he go 'pop' and on the side get a mistress?"
-Wyclef
To understand the current state of live
performance, it is necessary to consider the role of both the DJ and
rapper.(14) DJ's engage in live performances by recombining vinyl records in
the form of turntablism, scratching, mixing, juggling, etc.(15) Commercial rap
sets a greater premium on a DJ's ability to program, sample, and produce beats
for rap recordings than on the technical skills of turntablism. Turntablism is also incorporated into recordings, successfully, but
it remains more closely associated with live performance than the production of
beats, which occurs in the studio. This may be because fans of turntablism must
witness the DJ's manipulation of the records to understand and appreciate which
sounds correspond to which movements. Hiphop DJs subvert Auslander's view of
the relationship between live and mediatized forms, where "initially, the
mediatized form is modeled on the live form, but it eventually usurps the live
form's position in the cultural economy"(Auslander 158). If vinyl records
represent virtual live music performances that have been usurped and mediatized
by recording technology, then DJs re-appropriate mediatized forms to create a
live performance. The traditional binary of live and mediatized that Auslander
is deconstructing sees the mediatization of live performance as an attempt to
"pry an object from its shell, to destroy its aura"(Auslander 50). I
would argue that DJs resurrect this aura when they recombine vinyl records in a
live setting. With DJs, as with rappers, producing records is more commercially
rewarding, whereas performing live turntablism confers authenticity, and
satisfies the demands of underground hiphop audiences.
From
an environment where freestyle's the requirement,
I
bought every album, my parents had to hide the rent.
-Wordsworth
Currently, live performances of hiphop lyrics
can be divided into two types: written and freestyle. Written songs are
composed first and then memorized, and are often performed live as
reproductions of recordings. In this case the recording is more original that
the performance, since the audience responds to the familiarity of the
song.(16) Freestyle is improvisational rhyming, and remains central to the
underground concept of hiphop as a meritocracy. Various definitive elements combine
to ensure freestyle's central role in hiphop's continuing evolution; these
elements include inherent liveness, resistance to commercialization and the
presence of clear standards for judgement in competitions. Freestyle is
inherently live because it is composed and performed simultaneously, and
although it is possible to record a freestyle, recording considerably
undermines a rap's status as freestyle. Eric Pihel explores some of these
complexities in his essay "A Furified Freestlye."
Memorized raps that
have been pre-written …are not freestyles. Even a rap that is freestyled in a
recording studio cannot be considered a freestyle because the rapper is able to
do a limitless number of takes before he or she decides on the final version. A
freestyle, then, is a live performance in front of a live audience--whether an audience at a club or listeners to a
freestyle competition on live radio. (Pihel 252, my emphasis)
What Pihel offers us here is the most limited
and purist definition, and occasionally the term "freestyle" is used
more loosely within hiphop culture.(17) However, it is a major taboo in hiphop culture to attempt to pass off pre-written
rhymes as freestyle, and the term is generally understood to mean unrehearsed
live lyrics, composed and performed in the same moment.
Some
get Range Rovers, some religion change over,
Angel
on my main shoulder, tellin' me "remain sober,"
Told
me, "Nigga, game's over, ain't no payola in freestyle"
In
battles I'm warrin', like a G-child.
-Common
The failure of recording technology to
capture live freestyle gives it the greatest edge as the measure of hiphop
authenticity, simply because this shields freestyle from commodification.
Freestyle is considered a valid measure of authenticity because it is virtually
invulnerable to corruption. This is because freestyle ability is not based on
record sales or the decision of a panel of judges; instead, the winner of a
freestyle competition is determined by the reaction of the audience as a whole.
The main criteria for judgement are originality of rhyme, rhythmic flow, and
comprehensibility. Although the ability to freestyle rarely confers financial
gain directly on artists, freestyle competition is understood within hiphop
culture as part of the grassroots dues-paying process that eventually leads to
commercial success. This is summed-up in Tricia Rose's 1995 interview with
Carmen Ashurst-Watson, president of "Rush Communications,"
There are local
amateur shows or talent shows which feature competition amongst rappers. They
get their experience by freestyling and battling other rappers in jam
sessions... Freestyling is not really a commercially viable style of rap--it is
more of a training ground. (Rose 123)
Because it is understood in hiphop culture
that freestyle is not a "commercially viable style of rap," freestyle
skill alone is generally not enough for an artist to achieve financial
security; they must also be able to compose lyrics for recording.(18) As is the
case with DJs, versatility is the greatest asset. Live performance, freestyle,
and turntablism are necessary to demonstrate hiphop authenticity to audiences,
and the ability to compose songs and produce beats is necessary to achieve
financial stability.
It is a common belief that live performance
has been--or will soon be--completely eclipsed by media recordings. This is
indicated by Pihel's conclusion: "Rap is now being recorded and
distributed worldwide, and freestyle competitions are no longer the most common
site of cultural production…Video images and record contracts threaten to pull
rap away from its roots in freestyling skills"(Pihel 266). However, this
is an illusion of visibility, more deceptive than descriptive. For every rapper
who makes a video, or releases a hit record, there are literally hundreds worldwide
for whom such exposure is a remote dream; these artists make up the hiphop
underground. In fact, freestyle and turntablism are the most common sites of cultural production, but this
is not common knowledge, since they are also the least visible sites. Consistent
with its ethos of resistance and rebellion, hiphop culture's ideology of
authenticity reverses Auslander's appraisal of the present relationship between
live and mediatized forms:
This is exactly the
state in which live performance now finds itself: its traditional status as
auratic and unique has been wrested from it by an ever accelerating incursion
of reproduction into the live event… I might argue that live performance has
indeed been pried from its shell and that all performance modes, live or
mediatized, are now equal: none is perceived as auratic or authentic; the live
performance is just one more reproduction of a given text or one more
reproducible text. (Auslander 50)
In hiphop, the live performance skills of
freestyle and turntablism that form the core of the culture are both antithetical to this view. Freestyle is neither a
reproduction of a text, since it is improvised, nor a reproducible text, since
its status as freestyle is contingent on live performance. Likewise,
turntablism has proven itself resistant to mass reproduction, since it is both
recombinative, and offers itself for future recombination. Instead of accepting
Auslander's view of the vulnerable, ethereal spirit of live performance as
retreating terrified from the cold tyranny of media technology, doomed to
eventually succumb to its mechanized parasite, hiphop seizes media technology
(turntables, mixers, mics) as its basic tools, immediatizing them on stage. In hiphop, live performance usurps
media, as much as vice versa. Through direct interactive engagement with live
audiences, MCs and DJs dialectically produce hiphop culture, priming it for
lucrative media recording while simultaneously ensuring its survival as an
authentic art form through the regulatory competitive practices of live
performance.
Endnotes:
1 - The example Auslander cites is of
Broadway theatre productions underwritten by cable television money, with the
understanding that they will be taped for public broadcast, which would then be
staged "pre-adjusted to the aspect ratio, intimate scale, and relative
lack of detail of the television image." (Auslander 27)
2 - "The live performance is just one
more reproduction of a given text or one more reproducible text."(Ibid 50)
3 - In a very general sense, hiphop culture
corresponds with Auslander's description of rock authenticity: "produced
through a dialectical or symbiotic relationship between live and mediatized
representations of the music, in which neither the recording not the live
concert could be perceived as authentic in and of itself"(Ibid 160).
4 - "Hip hop sprang off the uptown
streets of New York City via block parties and jams in public parks, sparked by
the innovative moves of a handful of pioneering men…They called themselves
"DJs," but they left in the dust any traces of the AM radio jocks who
first popularized that term." (George xi)
5 - Early DJs employed a "master of
ceremonies (or MC) to introduce and comment on the selection. [They] didn't rap
as we'd recognize it now but were more in the style of the Jamaican sound
system toasters or black radio announcers hyping a record." (Ibid 19)
6 - Pras from The Fugees on their sophomore
album, The Score.
7 - DJing is creatively mixing records.
Rapping is rhymed and rhythmic (as opposed to metered) oral delivery. Break
dancing entails spins, flips and stalls using the hands, head, shoulders, knees
and other body parts, in addition to the feet. Beat-boxing is the production of
percussion sounds using the mouth and throat. Graffiti art is urban spray-paint
art produced in a public space. All of these definitions are insufficient, and
none of the five elements of hiphop culture can be adequately described; they
must be witnessed.
8 - "As soon as electric amplification
is used, one might say that an event is mediatized"(Auslander 24).
9 - "'Rapper's Delight' changed
everything; most important, it solidified rap's commercial status"(Rose
56).
10 - "Through the recording media of
records, tapes and compact discs, rap has been able to reach out beyond its
original ghetto audience and thus give its music and message a real
hearing"(Shusterman 68).
11 - "You battled in the park. You
rocked the house on stage. You made 12-inches that created your audience. You
toured and built a rep. If you survived all these stages, you became a rap star
with some level of fame"(George 113).
12 - "To hard-core purists almost all
[hit records] are crossover crap and not "true hip hop," a stance
that, like a great many purist positions in all art, is short-sighted and
ahistorical. Throughout the last twenty years these hits kept the general
population excited or at least aware of the music and, within the industry,
constantly proved non-believers wrong"(Ibid 65).
13 - "Any definition of the culture must
be understood to be a working definition--always subject to reworkings and
readjustments…the culture is constantly recreated and redefined from the bottom
up"(Pihel 251).
14 - In a paper of this length I will have to
limit my discussion to the two most visible aspects of hiphop culture, although
much could (and I hope will) be said about the importance of live performance
to break-dancing, beat-boxing, and graffiti.
15 - "Mixing" is the combination of
two records with complimentary tempos or melodies. "Scratching" is
the sound created by rapidly moving the record back and forth over one
particular area. "Juggling" is playing two copies of the same record
on either turntable and switching the cross-fader between them, creating an
echo effect. "Turntablism" is the name for these and other DJ
techniques.
16 - In this respect, many rap performances
are very similar to rock concert performances "in rock, the live
performance is a recreation of the recording, which is, in fact, the original
performance"(Auslander 84).
17 - I.e. The album, "Wake-up Show
Freestyles Vol. 6" released by Sway and King Tech contains some raps that
appear on other albums, and therefore cannot be improvised, but since the majority
of the raps appearing on the album are improvised, they are all called
"freestyles."
18 - Brian Dorsey comments on the failure of
some artists to make this transition: "an ability to improvise does not
confer an ability to write,"(Dorsey 341).
Works Cited:
Auslander, Philip. Liveness: Performance
in a Mediatized Culture. Routledge.
London, U.K. 1999.
Butler, Judith. Bodies that Matter. Routledge. 1993.
Costello, Mark & David Foster Wallace. Signifying
Rappers. The Echo Press.
Echo NJ. 1990.
Dorsey, Brian. Spirituality, Sensuality,
Literality: Blues, Jazz and Rap as Music and Poetry.
Wilhelm Braumuller.
Universitats-Verlagsbuchhandlung, Austria. 2000.
Ehrlich, Dimitri and Gregor. Move the
Crowd: Voices and Faces of the Hip-
Hop Nation. MTV Books / Pocket Books. Simon &
Schuster. New York,
NY. 1999.
George, Nelson. hip hop america. Penguin. New York, NY. 1998.
Pihel, Erik. "A Furified Freestyle:
Homer and Hip Hop." Oral Tradition. Columbia, MO.
Oct, 1996.
Rose, Tricia. Black Noise: Rap Music and
Black Culture in Contemporary America.
University Press of
New England. Hanover, NH. 1994.
Rose, Tricia and Andrew Ross, ed. Microphone
Fiends: Youth Music and Youth Culture.
Routledge. New York, NY. 1994.
Shusterman, Richard. Performing Live:
Aesthetic Alternatives for the Ends of Art. Cornell University
Press. Ithaca, NY.
2000.